«МИГРАЦИЯ В ЗЕРКАЛЕ СТРАН СНГ (МОЛОДЕЖНЫЙ РАКУРС) Под редакцией Ирины Молодиковой Москва 2006 3 Проект инициирован Институтом Открытое Общество, Международной Ассоциацией ...»
If in the article on migration from small towns the focus of investigation is put on the internal migration the Kazakh and Russian young researchers in their joint study of embedding and transformation of identity of young people who moved to learn at higher educational institutions of Western Siberia opted for an interesting approach. Disintegration of the USSR brought about fragmentation of once integrated educational area and decreased scales of learning migration. However social and political situation in Kazakhstan provided a stimulus for outflow of some young people who went to Russian colleges in adjacent regions of the Russian Federation.
The performed study has identified three principal strategies natives of Kazakhstan adopted for accommodation in the Russian society. The first strategy is that of settlement in a city where a migrant student learns.
Implementation of this strategy implies solution of the housing problem as well as solution of problems of employment, change of citizenship during years of learning with reliance on resources of ‘migration network’ (relatives and friends). The second strategy implies use of Western Siberian cities as a springboard for initial steps in another country: those who resort to this strategy try to obtain education, to adapt and to accumulate social capital with the aim to migrate in other, more ‘prosperous’ and more attractive in economic respect regions of Russia later on.
Implementation of the first two strategies requires from parents of school leavers either considerable expense on tutors, payment for learning and support of a student during the period of his/her learning or even a movement of the whole family in several years before graduation from the secondary school. That should be done in order to ensure the Russian general certificate of secondary education for an offspring and greater possibility of his/her enrollment in a higher educational institution. The third, relatively new strategy does not imply migration at all. It is implemented by enrollment in Russian higher educational institutions’ branches in Kazakhstan. That makes obtainment of a Russian diplomas of higher education with the least financial and psychological costs.
In the first and the second cases adjustment in academic community environment is of ‘soft’ nature due to diversity and activeness of various agents (fellow country people, relatives, new friends, authorities of higher educational institutions). It is observed that the Kazakhstan identity grows progressively weak while the national (‘Russian’) and geographical (‘resident of Russia’) identity and the Siberian identity as the ‘middle ground identity’ gain predominance.
The article on the youth labor migration in Georgia and Belarus, on its causes, patterns and consequences is an attempt of comparative analysis undertaken by Byelorussian and Georgian researchers. At the present time Belarus and Georgia are the opposite poles within the single post-Soviet area. Political, social and economic lifestyle patterns of these countries are radically different. The close control by the state and preservation of many features of the socialist system in Belarus are opposite to the absence of control (even control over some territories) and broad range of opportunities for adoption of survival strategies for inhabitants of Georgia. Outward labor migration processes in both countries are developing with equal rapidity.
Scale of outward labor migration has grown steadily over the past decade in both countries and this migration occupies an increasing share in the aggregate volume of population movements.
The youth labor migration which in the period of transition has become a form of young people’s adjustment to new market conditions plays a very visible and ever increasing role for Georgia as well as for Belarus. Year by year number of potential labor migrants increases though the state statistics reflects real streams of labor migrants’ movements very poorly and does not take into account irrecoverable outflow of young people at all.
The subject of research is young people from 16 to 29 years old. However in Belarus students of full-time attendance predominate in process of the youth labor migration. In Georgia the labor migration is not so intimately connected with students.
Investigation of the youth labor migration in Georgia has demonstrated that migration is caused by difficult economic conditions and by meager incomes. Money remittances transferred by labor migrants to Georgia and aid of other types constitute the only source and means of subsistence for many Georgian families. Migration from Belarus is predominantly shorttern labor migration (average duration comprises 3 to 4 months) and migrants do not remit money. If one takes into consideration the fact that 400-500 thousand labor migrants leave Georgia to work abroad [2;3;12] then we may surmise that only young migrants transfer US $ 250- million annually to Georgia from abroad in form of money remittances.
In Belarus principal consequences of outward labor migration consist in attenuation of tensions at the domestic labor market, supply of extra injections of currency in the republic’s economy, decrease of balance of payment deficit, augmentation of the population’s savings. In contrast to Belarus where the youth migration is determined by development of special youth programs, Georgia has no such programs and the situation with migration is connected with the deep economic crisis accompanied by disastrous fall of living standards. Thus, a considerable part of young Georgians are forced to go abroad in search of subsistence.
The studies performed allowed identifying qualitative differences in structure of youth migration from both countries. Young people, predominantly students of the second to fourth years of study, in age cohort of 19 to 21 years, go abroad from Belarus, and labor migration of women constitutes over a half of all departures. In Georgia this type of labor migration is represented predominantly by young men who already have higher or specialized secondary education. Georgian labor migrants are of 20 years and older. Due to historically developed potent family traditions that have developed in Georgia historically women’s share in labor migration does not exceed 30%.
Learning youth migration has acquired more common scale in Georgia. In Belarus departures for learning abroad have not become so common and present rather rare cases. Both in Belarus and Georgia significance of pecuniary independence determines further migration intentions. Desire to work abroad is so strong that up to 30% of young people polled are ready to work abroad illegally. Presence of such desires among the contemporary youth is not supported with knowledge of migration laws of country of departure as well as country of entry where young people want to get employment. At the same time in both countries up to 80% of students polled expressed their willingness to hear special courses devoted to issues of employment abroad and peculiarities of migration laws.
The Internet polling of young people who did not come back from labor trips abroad demonstrated that majority of such persons in Belarus are young women who have created families abroad (40%), young persons who stayed abroad by virtue of getting students’ visas (15%) and those who extended employment agreements with employers (10%). The principal way of Georgian migrants’ legalization is learning abroad accompanied with illegal work while for Byelorussian migrants the principal way to stay abroad consists in creation of families and prolongation of employment agreements.
Nowadays problem of intolerance toward migrants acquires the particular importance in Russia that is the principal attractor of migrants from CIS countries. Relations between natives and aliens have already drawn attention of all stakeholders, from bodies of executive, legislative and judicial power to ordinary residents. Forming the ground of various conflicts and exerting a considerable influence on migrants’ adjustment these relations manifest themselves to a greater extent in regions with high migration mobility and diverse ethnic composition of population. Fears of possible emergence of threats to ways of life traditional for natives may easily transform into animosity towards newcomers, particularly so if newcomers have different ethnic, confessional, cultural and social attributes. Quite often excessive apprehensions of such kind take shape of mental patterns that natives, authorities and mass media use for propagation of anti-migrant phobia including phobia generated by ethnic differences.
Youth is the future of any country. Very much in development of a region depends on characteristics acquired by young inhabitants. Since young people are conventionally considered to be distinct with greater mobility and radicalism of thought the anti-migrant phobia in one of the most ethnically diverse and conflict-generating regions of Russia, Northern Caucasus, is examined on the example of young people residing in Krasnodar and Stavropol regions and Republic of Karachaevo-Cherkess Republic.
The level of inter-ethnic tension in the region is exceptionally high. A half of young people have experienced various troubles in their relations with migrants, more than a half of local young people note conflicts in their settlements between the natives and the aliens.
The public, mass media and authorities pay heightened attention to the twinned problems of migration and anti-migrant feeling. However it is exactly the public, mass media and authorities that instigate conflicts. The polled people definitely expressed a strong negative attitude towards information of mass media that highlights migrants’ national origin.
Despite authorities’ efforts ‘artificially’ to wear off, conceal or even sound the final solution the problem of anti-migrant phobia and ethnic animosity persists in the Northern Caucasian constituent parts of the Russian Federation and still is rather acute.
Several articles deal with problems of migration in Uzbekistan. The contemporary migration of Uzbekistan’s population is characterized by two distinct trends. The first of these is increasing territorial mobility of native population caused by growth of general dynamics of economic development which, in its turn, is stimulated by development of market relations and deepening of economic reforms. The second trend is outflow of population beyond the republic’s territory. This process increasingly involves Uzbekistan’s natives, including residents of rural parts who in the past demonstrated a weak territorial mobility.
Migration processes have certain impact on demographic indicators of Uzbekistan. Investigations of migration processes in Uzbekistan carried on by scientists have demonstrated that every year 200-250 thousand people change places of their residence. Official statistics registers that rate of migration falls down along all main migration streams in recent years.
However it is Uzbek scientists’ opinion this statement does not correspond to the real situation since data on registration and withdrawal and temporary registration of citizens constitute the basis of statistical information.
Meanwhile a great number of people participate in temporary and illegal migration.
A sociological portrait of labor migrants from Uzbekistan is interesting.
Polls performed by various organizations of the republic demonstrate that men predominate in the outward labor migration. Their number comprises over 85% of the total number of migrants. Men of middle and older ages predominate among labor migrants. Younger men up to 30 years old comprise less than 20% which is not a representative value for some other CIS countries.